Saturday, 23 July 2011

Another day another war hero's life in tatters

Downfall of a war hero: Master sniper who took out Taliban chief a mile away faces court for attack on girlfriend

this article by Paul harris first appeared in the Daily Mail, July 22nd 2011
His selfless bravery and outstanding skill made him a hero of the war in Afghanistan.
Corporal Christopher Reynolds’s repeated acts of gallantry – plus an extraordinary sniper shot that took out a Taliban commander from more than a mile away – earned him the Military Cross.

But when the Queen presented him with his medal last July, his pride hid a dark depression. The 26-year-old Black Watch sniper commander was battling a breakdown.
This led to a vicious attack on his live-in girlfriend, whom he repeatedly punched in the face before throwing a glass at her.

Had it not been for a judge’s understanding of Cpl Reynolds’s plight, he would today be behind bars.

However ‘the strain of warfare’ and his deteriorating mental health were accepted as being to blame for the assault a month before the medal ceremony on 29-year-old Catherine Aitken, who was said to have been ‘put through hell’.

This week at Kirkcaldy Sheriff Court, he was ordered to pay her £500 compensation but avoided a prison sentence.

The harrowing tale of a hero’s descent into depression began after Reynolds, who had already served in Iraq, embarked on a six-month tour of duty with the Black Watch in April 2009. According to his medal citation, in one incident he stood up in the face of ‘considerable’ enemy fire, emptied his sniper rifle, picked up another one and started firing it – then grabbed a machine gun to spray a Taliban strongpoint from a rooftop ‘while fully exposed to enemy fire’. The sniper’s ‘outstanding technical ability’ helped  to credit him with taking out 32 insurgents.
But it was a seemingly impossible shot on a Taliban warlord more than 2,000 yards away which launched Cpl Reynolds to military glory.
He hid on a shop roof for three days to wait for perfect conditions to shoot a terrorist commander known as Mula, said to have co-ordinated a series of attacks against British and U.S. troops.
Long distance death: Snipers can strike from more than a mile away - as Reynolds demonstrated when he took down a Taliban chief
Long distance death: Snipers can strike from more than a mile away - as Reynolds demonstrated when he took down a Taliban chief

He and a spotter saw a group of five Taliban in the distance. ‘I identified one straight away as the commander because I watched him through the scope,’ he said. ‘When he spoke on the radio, the other one would do what he said. I saw that he had a weapon, an AK47. 
‘I have to admit the first round landed next to him. We were so far away that he didn’t even realise he was being shot at.’
With the next shot, Reynolds hit Mula in the chest at a distance of 1,853 metres (6,079ft). It was roughly the equivalent of firing from St Paul’s Cathedral and hitting Lord Nelson atop his column in Trafalgar Square. As he later put it: ‘He’d been given a lead sleeping tablet. I was quite proud of that shot.’ 
The soldier was separated from  his wife Becca but still in touch with her and their four-year-old son Joshua. At the time she revealed she still phoned him once a week in Afghanistan.
She said she was ‘so proud’ of her hero, who undoubtedly saved many lives through the acts of bravery underlying his celebrated sniper shot. ‘He really takes his job seriously,’ she said. ‘He loves it. He’s really got his head screwed on.’
Back in the day: The Military Cross was awarded to Corporal Christopher Sean Reynolds,l left, for his skilled work in Afghanistan
Back in the day: The Military Cross was awarded to Corporal Christopher Sean Reynolds,l left, for his skilled work in Afghanistan

Compare that with the dark story which unfolded in Kirkcaldy this week, in which Miss Aitken, a youth worker, became the innocent victim of his mental turmoil.
The court heard she had become deeply concerned about his increasingly violent temper since coming home from the war.
He launched the brutal attack on her in an argument at the home they shared in the town.
Reynolds was accompanied in court by a captain from his regiment. His solicitor, Krista Johnston, said he had gone AWOL for more than four months and his mental health appeared to  have deteriorated.

But she added that ‘all being well he will continue in the Army’. The court heard he could be transferred to another regiment.
Outside court, Miss Aitken, who is no longer in contact with him, said she did not want to speak about the case and was ‘just looking forward to moving on’.
The Combat Stress charity, which has worked with more than 100,000 veterans since it was founded after the First World War, is helping more than 600 British ex-servicemen and women who returned from Iraq and Afghanistan.
Some are so traumatised, or unable to come down from a state of hyper-alertness, that they cannot cope with everyday situations such as shopping in crowds.

Spokesman Neil Cox said the numbers being cared for rise steadily. ‘There is often a long gap, on average just over 13 years, between people leaving the Forces and seeking help. It’s particularly difficult for strong guys or so-called macho men who are less able or willing to accept what would be perceived by them as a weakness.’



Friday, 22 July 2011

Former bank robber dreams of academies to help prisoners go straight

A former bank robber is working to set up a series of academies to help ex-prisoners start afresh 
Bob Cummines, OBE, FRSA and chief executive of Unlock, the national association of ex-offenders
Bob Cummines, OBE, FRSA and chief executive of Unlock, the national association of ex-offenders, was formerly a notorious bank robber. Photograph: Sean Smith for the Guardian
"Education liberated me from a life of crime," says Bobby Cummines, now a life fellow of the RSA, soon to receive an honorary master's from the Open University, and, last month, awarded the OBE by the Queen at Buckingham Palace for his services to reformed offenders. It's not bad for a former armed robber who spent a total of 13 years in high security prisons before deciding he needed to change for the better.
As founder member and chief executive of Unlock, the national association of reformed offenders, Cummines has spent the last 12 years campaigning against the social exclusion and discrimination that stymies the efforts of many reformed offenders to "go straight."
He leads a team of four staff operating from a tiny office above a dentist in Snodland, Kent. Unlock receives no government funding and relies on charity donations for its existence. But the organisation thinks big and boasts some significant successes in its fight for the right of offenders who have served their sentences and have a desire to live crime-free, productive lives to be treated by fairly by the rest of society.
A notable success was persuading sections of the insurance and banking industries of the merits of welcoming prisoners and ex-prisoners as customers. Unlock has established a specialist insurance broker service and now has a list of 17 insurers on its Insurance and Convictions Consumer Guidance leaflet. Working with Halifax and Barclays, Cummines has developed a guide to enable prison staff to assist people in prison or on the verge of release to open bank accounts. "The emphasis of our work is to reduce the likelihood of re-offending by people who have served their sentences," he says. "Without bank accounts people cannot access the financial services the rest of us take for granted."
It is hard to imagine that Cummines was ever part of a criminal culture. But like many who end up in prison, he started young. "I was a bright kid, but I never played by the rules. I was from a big Irish family of eight children. We lived in King's Cross in London when it was at its worst with drugs, gangs, prostitutes, you name it. To get out of the slums you became a bricklayer, joined the army or became a villain. Thieving was quite acceptable, so long as you didn't rob your own people."
He left school at 15 with no qualifications, but got a job in a shipping office. He puts the wrong turn his life took down to his first encounter with the police. "I was in a park with my mates when somebody let off a starting pistol. The police were called and began bullying us. I stood up to them." He says the police returned later and produced a cut-throat razor they said was his. "It was a fit-up," he says. "My dad said the police don't tell lies, plead guilty, you'll get a fine and it'll be forgotten about in a few years."
He got the fine, but his bosses at the shipping office saw his guilty plea and sacked him. "I was gutted," he says. "I thought, if you want me to be bad I'll show you how bad I can be." Within a year he was sentenced to six months in a detention centre for the possession of a sawn off shotgun. "It was supposed to be a short sharp shock, but it was just violence practised against vulnerable kids. I came out of there tougher and angrier than ever."
Over the next two decades Cummines established himself as a hard-core professional criminal. "If I had carried on, I would either have been shot dead by the police or innocent members of the public could have been shot."
The change came while he was serving a 12-year sentence and he credits a prison education officer, a prison probation officer and a former south London gang boss. "I started studying social science and psychology with the Open University. I began reading about deviant behaviour and thought, 'I'm reading about me!' The more I read, the more I realised I didn't have to be the way I was. The high I used to get from crime was replaced by a bigger high from learning."
Cummines left prison for the last time almost 25 years ago. He struggled to get work and fit into the "straight" world, but eventually succeeded, getting a degree at Greenwich University and going on to hold senior positions with various employers. "Getting work was hard because I had to make up my employment history," he says. "To live an honest life, I had to be dishonest about my past. That was one of my motivations for joining Unlock and one of the things we are campaigning to resolve," he says. As chief executive he has been a member of the home affairs select committee inquiry into the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act, an expert witness on to the home affairs select committee on prisoner education and a specialist adviser in the 2004 public inquiry into murder of Zahid Mubarek in Feltham Young Offenders Institution.
"Prison doesn't work, education works," Cummines concludes. His one big dream is for a series of super academies, which he has christened the Diamond Project. The aim would be to provide training, education, advice and guidance for low tariff offenders and those at risk of breaking the law. Cummines and his colleagues have spent years working on the proposals. They held talks with the last Labour government and have met the coalition government. During his last meeting with Lord McNally, minister of state for justice, the peer promised to arrange meetings between Unlock and other senior officials.
The recent government review of prisoner education pledged to put education and training at the heart of Ken Clarke's promised "rehabilitation revolution" in our jails. Cummines, who has already secured the promise of several hundred million pounds' worth of private finance for the project, is hopeful. "I told Lord McNally, 'People usually come here to ask you for money, but I want to give you money,'" he says, smiling.
With an average cost of £37,000 a year to keep someone in prison and the cost of re-offending estimated by the home office at between £9bn and £13bn a year perhaps he has a point.
"They would be investing in good behaviour. You can educate people out of crime. Or you can educate people into crime, by giving them no education and banging them up with experienced criminals."

Friday, 15 July 2011

We can glorify them in wooden boxes when they come home dead and vilify them in prison when they can't cope.


Erwin James: why are so many former soldiers in prison?

Jimmy Johnson was jailed for murder after leaving the army in 1973. After his release he killed again. But is he just one of thousands who didn't receive help for post traumatic stress disorder?

'All I'm trying to do is get the government to acknowledge the truth," says Jimmy Johnson, 63, once a model soldier and now a model prisoner. Johnson, currently in Frankland maximum-security prison in Durham, where for the last 25 years he has been serving his second life sentence for murder, is a man with a mission. "The prison system is awash with ex-servicemen," he says, "and unless the government, and in particular the Ministry of Justice, starts taking this problem seriously, things are going to get much much worse."
Johnson's particular concern is what he feels is the complacent attitude shown by the government not just to veterans who end up in prison, but to the related issue of those suffering from post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) – many unknowingly. "This is an even bigger problem," he says, "and the way we are going with this war in Afghanistan it is going to get bigger. This needs to be addressed honestly and urgently."
Johnson was first jailed for life in 1974, less than a year after his honourable discharge from the Royal Tank Regiment following 10 years of "exemplary service". But when he left the army, he explains, his life quickly began to fall apart. Struggling to adjust, he began drinking heavily and experiencing mood swings which impacted badly on his relationship with his wife and two children. He managed to find some casual work "here and there", but without any real sense of purpose he drank more, and became more and more depressed. "I drank to dull the pain," he says, "but it never really went away."
One afternoon, four months after Johnson signed his army discharge papers, he reached his lowest point. He had tried to go for a drink in a social club, but it required an identity card to gain access. He did not have one. "They turned me away. 'You're not a soldier now,' they said. Nobody wanted to know me." He walked away.
A short while later, a van pulled up alongside him. It was driven by an acquaintance who worked as a security guard. He asked Johnson if he wanted a lift. "I had nothing planned," he says, "and just got in." As the van made towards the next stop on the driver's round – a factory – it slowed down to pass a group of children playing football. Suddenly there was a loud bang on the side of the van. Johnson thinks it was either the ball being kicked against it or a brick that had been thrown. Whatever it was, the sound triggered a horrific reaction in the former soldier. As soon as they arrived at the factory and alighted from the van, Johnson remembers grabbing hold of his acquaintance by the arm and neck and "running him". What he does not remember is then picking up a scaffold pole and beating the man to death with it.
Arrested the next day, Johnson had no explanation for what he had done. "But I knew that I had killed a man. That's why I pleaded guilty at my trial."
For that offence he spent a little over nine years in prison before being released on licence. While inside he expressed remorse for his actions but still could give no explanation. He received no therapy or counselling or indeed any kind of in-depth analysis to try to ascertain why he had behaved the way he did. His army discipline combined with regulated prison life made it easy for him to present himself as a "model prisoner".
These were the days when, other than perfunctory call-ups by prison staff, there was little focus on the motivations behind so-called offending behaviour. The closest Johnson came to any sense of rationalising what he had done was when, some years into that first life sentence, his father suggested during a visit that he was suffering from what many Americans returning from the Vietnam war had experienced. "My dad said to me, 'You've got what a lot of those yanks had after Vietnam,' meaning nightmares, flashbacks and other weird stuff. He meant PTSD but he didn't know that's what it was called and it was a long time later before I ever heard of it."
Johnson joined the army aged 17, and was first involved in action in Aden in the 1960s, where he demonstrated the leadership qualities that led to his promotion to corporal and tank commander. Later he served two tours of duty in Northern Ireland, during which he was involved in suppressing riots, controlling missile-throwing crowds, and clearing areas where bombs had been laid.
'The woman looked like a large rag doll smashed to pieces'
The incident that affected him most profoundly occurred while he was leading a mobile patrol of two Land Rovers and seven men through the centre of Lurgan in March 1972. A massive explosion a hundred yards in front of Johnson's vehicle brought the patrol to a halt. A bomb had been detonated in an underground toilet. Johnson saw people scattering through swirling clouds of thick black smoke. Within minutes he had cordoned off the area and mounted guards to provide cover against snipers in case it was a set-up.
Raised voices caught his attention. A man was screaming at a policeman and pointing at the toilet. "He was shouting, 'My wife's in there! My wife's in there!'" Johnson raced towards the man. "He was becoming hysterical and the policeman, looking terrified, was adamant the toilet was empty. But I could see by the man's face that he knew. He knew. I grabbed the policeman's torch and took two of my men down the gaping hole in the ground, climbing over rubble, slabs of brick and concrete and gushing water. In the thick smoke the torch was useless. We scrabbled around blindly. Then we heard a loudhailer above calling for us to get out fast as there was a car parked overhead with 500lb of explosives inside.
"I was about to give the order when one of my men found a woman's shoe. We dug frantically with our bare hands. Then I found her. She looked like a large rag doll smashed to pieces. All that was left of her clothing was a piece of rag around her neck; other parts of her had been blown off. Even her toes were missing. I covered her with my combat jacket and carried her out to an ambulance."
Johnson says he remembers shouting at the doctor in the back of the ambulance, "Save her!" Her says her face reminded him of his wife's face. "The doctor turned to me and very quietly said, 'Sorry son, but she's dead.' Outside the ambulance I started to shake and tremble and sweat like I had never sweated before. Someone led me into the back of a Land Rover where I sat and tried to smoke a cigarette. I heard women's voices and laughter, and then a woman leaned into the open back door of the vehicle and said, 'Don't worry, son, she was only a catholic." That night he was injected with a tranquilliser to help him sleep. "I never thought I'd be able to sleep again," he says.
Dealing with disturbances, which often developed into riots, was a routine duty for British soldiers in Northern Ireland during the troubles. They learned their techniques at "tin city" in Sennelager in Germany; a mock-up of streets and walkways, complete with shops and pubs that blared out Irish rebel songs. The facility had been specially built as a close-quarter combat range. There they learned how to fight pitched battles, with colleagues dressed as rioters hurling bricks and petrol bombs. They were conditioned to relish "aggro" and many were geared up and keen for the real thing once out on patrol on Northern Ireland's streets. "We carried personal weapons such as cut-down baseball bats, lead pipes and coshes, most of which had been handed down by troops that had been relieved," explains Johnson. "But towards the end of my time, and especially after the bombing of the woman, I was worn down by it."
The final straw for Johnson was an incident during a riot when he chased and caught a rioter who had attacked one of his men. "I began smashing him with the baton gun. I smashed him over and over regardless of the blood that was gushing from his head and oblivious to his screams. The next thing I remember is one of my men screaming at me, "Jimmy! He's had enough!" – that brought me back to my senses." Later, he says, his officers made light of the damage his out-of-control violence inflicted on the rioter.
For his actions in trying to save the woman's life in the underground toilet, Johnson received a "mentioned in despatches" – an award given in recognition of exceptional heroism or other noteworthy action. It was the highest award earned by somebody in his unit since the Korean war. But procedures to help soldiers deal with the aftermath of traumatic events relating to their service activities then were scant. There were few options available to help the soldiers wind down or de-stress after bombings or riots or incidents such as Johnson's beating of the rioter. Alcohol was the main medication. "We just went to the mess and drank ourselves out of it," says Johnson.
Finally he could face no more conflict and, despite the best efforts of his superior officers to persuade him otherwise, he bought himself out of the army in December 1973.
'Jimmy, you never laugh or smile like you used to'
When his father suggested during that prison visit that it was his traumatic army experiences that were behind his bouts of uncontrolled violence, Johnson was reluctant to make the connection. "I was a soldier. That was my job. It was only much later that I found out about PTSD. That's when it all started to make sense."
That there was something seriously wrong with Johnson is beyond dispute. Despite what she had had to cope with when her husband first came out of the army, and the shock of his arrest and conviction, his wife stood by him throughout his nine years in prison. But when he returned home following his release, it was clear that the problems he had been grappling with before were still there; indeed they had become worse.
"She said to me, 'Jimmy, you've changed. You never laugh or smile like you used to. I feel like I don't know you any more.' When she eventually left me I was lost. I started living like I had before, drinking, doing bits of casual work on building sites. I had a few ex-army mates I knocked around with, but nobody to talk to about my deepening anxieties. Even if I had I probably wouldn't have, as I still just thought it was me not coping for some reason."
Eighteen months after his release on licence, Johnson killed again. A week or so before it happened, he had read a newspaper report about an army friend who had been killed in Northern Ireland and his anxieties were exacerbated. While doing some building work for a man he had worked with before, he began to feel "agitated". He says he found himself staring out of a window, across the roofs and listening to the shrill sounds of children down below. "The next thing I knew I was hiding under a stairwell," Johnson says. "That's pretty much all I remember."
Sometime between staring out of the window and hiding under the stairs, he had picked up a lump hammer and beaten the man he was working for to death. Again he was arrested quickly and again he pleaded guilty at his trial. This time he was sentenced to life imprisonment with a recommendation from his judge that he serve a minimum term of 20 years, later raised by the home secretary to 30 years.
Yet again, little was made of Johnson's past military experiences, particularly those relating to his time in Northern Ireland. He knew he had killed another man and accepted his punishment. The only thing he did not know was what had triggered the two motiveless killings.
In 1985 he was transferred to Frankland prison, where he has remained ever since as high-security category A prisoner. It was in his early days at Frankland that he met and became friends with a fellow "cat A" also serving life – a man who had been an eminent medical doctor on the outside. He was interested to hear about Johnson's military experiences. "He said to me that he thought I was suffering from PTSD," Johnson says. "That was the first time I'd heard of it. He also gave me the contact details of a former colleague of his who specialised in it. So I wrote to him. This other doctor wrote back and explained that he had helped many ex-servicemen with various levels of trauma exposure, but I was the first he had heard of in prison. His letter was a godsend to me. Suddenly I had some understanding of what might have been going on."
Aly Renwick, author of Hidden Wounds: the Problems of Northern Ireland Veterans in Civvy Street and himself a veteran of that conflict, spent a number of years researching the history of PTSD-related criminal behaviour among British combat veterans. Renwick's conclusion in relation to Northern Ireland was that, "Probably more deaths and injuries have been inflicted on the civilian population in Britain by our returning soldiers than by IRA bombings."
Dr Claudia Herbert, a renowned PTSD expert who leads a team of specialists as director of the Oxford Stress and Trauma Centre, has worked with many ex-service personnel with experience of conflicts including Northern Ireland, the Falklands, Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan. Herbert's explanation of how PTSD affects those who have been traumatised is revelatory. "Military personnel are trained to deal with extreme situations," she says. "They may understand the theory of how to react, but when the action occurs the reality of what they are faced with can make them react very differently. What happens in a situation of extreme trauma is that the higher order processes, the cognitive processes, tend to shut down and the body tends to predominantly operate on autonomic functioning, which is geared solely towards survival."
In a life-or-death situation, explains Herbert, the event experienced gets stored in the memory system of the body, the mind and the brain. "Left unprocessed it remains a 'body memory'." The part of the brain that translates feeling into communicating the experience is often shut down during trauma, so that the trauma is stored but the person cannot say what has happened to them. "They may then experience it, relive it, through 'flashback'," Herbert says, "but can't actually talk about it."
Problems arise when military personnel leave the forces and try to fit back into normal life. "They are running around with a body full of stored memories and, because these have not been processed, they can be triggered by what otherwise seem like normal everyday events. A sudden noise or movement may trigger an extreme reaction over which they have no mental control. It is a survival mechanism. Such people who have been trained to kill are dangerous, perhaps not per se, but their bodies have been trained to be killing machines."
'Many people turn to alcohol or drugs to cope'
Not all who suffer from PTSD experience flashbacks, or become violent. "The symptoms are very uncomfortable," says Herbert. "They can lead to social withdrawal, emotional detachment, depression and difficulties in maintaining relationships. Many people turn to alcohol or drugs as a means of coping. But this can lead to even more problems." Herbert's big concern, like Johnson's, is that there is little official acknowledgment of the potential scale of the problem, given the fierceness of the many conflicts in which British forces have been involved over the last 40 years, and in particular the current conflict in Afghanistan where the close-quarter combat is the most sustained since the second world war. "The numbers actually affected might be far greater then we allow ourselves to believe," she says.
According to the Ministry of Defence, forces personnel now receive training to increase awareness of mental-health issues and stress management throughout their careers, and particularly prior to and after deployment. But is it enough? Increasing use is being made of Trauma Risk Management (TRiM), a model of peer-group mentoring and support in the aftermath of traumatic events, and the MoD's Medical Assessment Programme is also available to all veterans deployed on operations since 1982 who feel their mental health has been affected by their service experience.
Last month, health minister Mike O'Brien announced a joint government initiative with Combat Stress, the highly regarded veterans' mental health charity. The intention is that Combat Stress workers will work within NHS mental health trusts to ensure that veterans receive the treatment that they need in a "culturally acceptable" way.
But for some service personnel, doubts remain about the efficacy of the schemes. The culture in the forces, especially in the army, is to encourage high levels of controlled aggression and fearlessness. The conditioning is so powerful that it makes it almost impossible for anyone who feels troubled to step up and ask for help. One soldier, who does not want to be named, spoke about his experience during a 72-hour "decompression" period in a military base in Cyprus following several months on combat patrol in Afghanistan. "We spent three days getting legless and then they asked us if we had any problems," he said.
The Ministry of Justice claims just 2,500 prisoners were once in the forces. That figure some find hard to believe. Johnson for one is incredulous. "That's scandalous," he says. "I know from being in here for so long that there are thousands more than that."
While the Ministry of Justice admits that its research is incomplete, the discrepancy between its figure and the one produced by the National Association of Probation Officers (Napo) last year is huge. According to Harry Fletcher, assistant general secretary of Napo, this is because of flawed methodology. "The MoD database lacks many first names or dates of birth and it doesn't include reservists," he says. "And since it only goes back to 1979, anyone over the age of 50, say, would be screened out."
Last year, the probation service carried out probably the most accurate research so far, reaching the conclusion that there were around 20,000 people in the criminal justice system who were ex-forces; 8,500 of whom were in prison – around 10% of the prisoner population. The survey also showed that the number of veterans in prison had risen by 30% in the previous five years.
Johnson decided to appeal against his murder convictions in 1996. He intended to cite his PTSD as a mitigating factor and hoped that the convictions would be reduced to manslaughter on the grounds of diminished responsibility. A psychologist confirmed that he was being treated for PTSD and he was granted legal aid. Due to a number of factors, not least the struggle to find new evidence, time and money ran out and the appeal was never lodged.
Since then Johnson has spent his years in prison collating as much information as he could on PTSD and its effects on the mind. Since 2003 he has been self-publishing his widely respected Survival Guide for Veterans and Their Families, which is sent free to any ex-service personnel in prison who requests a copy. He is currently preparing a fresh application for appeal.
Johnson's story is a tragedy for his victims and their families, and for him and his family. But once he served his country well, as a leader of men into what were often the most unimaginably difficult situations. His breakdown following his discharge from the army should have been given serious attention a long time ago. As the conflict in Afghanistan moves towards possibly its most intense stage yet, Johnson's experiences should serve as a warning of the potential danger posed by undiagnosed hidden trauma. "After all," says Fletcher, "if these lads are good enough to be brought home in boxes at Wootton Bassett, they are good enough to get proper support and counselling before they end up in the criminal justice system."
The Survival Guide for Veterans and their Families by Jimmy Johnson and Hidden Wounds by Aly Renwick are both available from vetsinprison.org.uk

Richard Branson, a man with a visionary plan

Most inspired to read Virgin chief's blog about employing ex-offenders. Knowing that more than one third of the adult population in the UK has a criminal record, "they're everywhere" to misquote a Zombie film.
 I would like to encourage more companies to proactively recruit ex-offenders. Our experience of this within Virgin has been wholly positive – particularly when working with organisations such as Working Chance, who offer restorative recruitment for women offenders.

I believe our society should do more to support positive initiatives to encourage the rehabilitation of prisoners. We should create more chances for people who have been in jail to make a positive contribution to the workforce.

In Australia, Toll, the transport and logistics group – working with WISE Employment - makes a point of doing exactly this and has employed a number of former prisoners. In the UK, Timpson, the key cutting and shoe repair business, has created a successful programme too.

If many more companies could follow their example then many more ex-offenders would be able to find a purpose in life, worthwhile employment – and everyone would benefit.

Research has shown that most ex-offenders are more committed and willing to do more than just the job. They are grateful for the opportunity to do something worthwhile rather than falling back on their former ways and circumstances.

People often start offending because of an unfortunate upbringing or bad circumstances within their families. Maybe a good employer and the positive influence of work colleagues can, in part, be a replacement for a dysfunctional family.

When I talk to our Virgin CEOs, I do urge them to do more to help. This is not always possible in some sectors such as aviation where security restrictions would make it difficult, but we strive to do our best where we think we can give people another chance. I urge as many other companies around the world as possible to do so too.

Saturday, 9 July 2011

MoD spends more on school fees than for injured servicemen.

Excellent and harrowing article  in the Sun. Oops. Look our Coalition, you are about to get Clare Shorted

MoD school fees 3 times war compo

Scandal ... £34m to soldiers injured in Afghan war, left, against £113m paid to send Forces kids to private schools
Scandal ... £34m to soldiers injured in Afghan war, left, against £113m paid to send Forces kids to private schools

myView

By Diane Dernie
Mother of Lance Bombardier Ben Parkinson
THIS shows what an absolute pittance is paid to our wounded soldiers. It's insufficient and doesn't fairly represent the sacrifice they make.
It's not that we are against the allowance scheme for school fees - we think it is right children have a chance of the best start at life.
But it seems a shame that, while the MoD are trying to help children, they are not equally committed to helping wounded soldiers who must start new lives. This comparison says it all about how cheaply their lives are treated.

myView

By ANDY McNAB, Sun Security Adviser
THE education allowance is a success story for all sorts of reasons. The Armed Forces remain one of the few places where ordinary people can really achieve social mobility through hard work.
This scheme is open to all ranks and it is money well spent on the children because they are getting a top-class education.
It is also money well spent on our servicemen and women who travel constantly for work.
If they take advantage of this, they stand to gain a great deal.
 

 

THE Ministry of Defence spends three times as much money helping top officers' children attend elite private schools as it does compensating soldiers injured in Afghanistan.

Officials forked out £113million on the kids' posh educations in 2009-10, annual accounts show.
At the same time they handed over just £34million to soldiers who had been hurt fighting in the war zone.
The average compensation cheque for being injured in Afghanistan is about £10,000, figures show. About 55 payments are processed a week as the battlefield toll rises.

But the MoD - which faces severe cost-cutting measures - found cash to subsidise the children of more than 5,000 officers to attend top schools.

Brave ... Ben Parkinson
Brave ... Ben Parkinson
Each place costs the taxpayer around £20,000 a year. It is believed some kids are being educated for free at top public establishments like Eton.

The MoD's Continuity of Education Allowance scheme allows service personnel to give youngsters stable educations, rather than send them to different schools as parents are posted worldwide.
Soldiers pay just ten per cent of private school fees.
Some £177million was paid out under the scheme in 2009-10. About £113million was claimed by officers and the rest by non-commissioned officers and other ranks. Meanwhile, a squaddie whose leg is blown off in battle can receive as little as £92,000. A colleague with "superficial" shrapnel wounds can expect about £5,000. Among those to receive low payouts was 27-year-old Lance Bombardier Ben Parkinson, who lost both legs in an Afghan bomb blast and remains the most seriously-wounded Brit to survive.
His compensation rose after his family complained. 

Thousands of top brass use the MoD school scheme.
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Labour MP David Hanson said: "At a time when the MoD is having to save money it should look again at the cost of the education subsidy. The priority should be supporting our troops."
An improved compensation package launched last May lists tariffs for each individual injury - ranging from £1,200 to £570,000.
An MoD spokesman said: "CEA is an allowance open to all ranks. We have recently tightened the rules to ensure that it goes only to those who really need it. In 2010-11 the Ministry spent £59.5million on compensation for injured personnel."

Read more: http://www.thesun.co.uk/sol/homepage/news/campaigns/our_boys/3681975/Ministry-of-Defence-spends-three-times-as-much-money-helping-top-officers-children-attend-elite-private-schools-as-it-does-compensating-soldiers-injured-in-Afghanistan.html#ixzz1RdQdKu31

Wednesday, 6 July 2011

When will this become a UK Problem?


Getting off the Metro at McPherson Square in DC, coming up the escalator to head to the office, I almost bumped into a man in a BDU jacket – with a small sign “Veteran, US Army, looking for work”.  He was sitting with a group of other men, wearing bits and pieces of uniforms.  I could see that he and the others lived there from the sleeping bags rolled out in a small alcove area, and the backpacks and plastic bags up against the wall.  Around them rushed men in 3 piece suits, women in skirts and sneakers carrying their work heels.  And then I realized, the entrance to Metro is under the Department of Veterans Affairs.

More than 130,000 homeless vets
The figures are stunning.  The VA’s 2009 CHALENG report tabulates and calculates that there are over 107,000 veterans who are homeless on any given night.  New reports put that figure at over 130,000, that one in three homeless are veterans.   Add to these the numbers of veterans and their families who may have a roof over their heads, but may not have any food in the pantry.  In this time of unemployment, veterans unemployment is greater in numbers and percentage than that of other men and women of the same age and education level.  For whatever reason, veterans in this country are joining the ranks of those without homes, without jobs, without food and without hope.
There are a multitude of groups trying to reverse this trend.  The large veterans groups such as the American Legion, the Disabled American Veterans, the VFW and the newer IAVA and AWV groups all have programs designed to help veterans find housing, jobs, training and health care. The well-known “Stand Downs” that draw thousands for health care, meals, baths and clean clothes are in many cities and townsand  have also spawned local and national support groups and even apps that are designed to help veterans apply for benefits or find a job or even to find a service or companion dog to help them overcome PTS or other problems.
Feed Our Vets
A group trying to help at the very ground level of support is Feed Our Vets. FOV is establishing pantries to help veterans obtain good nutritious food; to help them keep their families fed and preserve their dignity.  With cuts to nutrition programs and food stamps, these families will be at more risk of hunger or lack of appropriate nutrition needed to stay healthy, to learn and grow; after all, many of these families include children!  Many veterans are elderly, their pensions have suffered, Social Security isn’t enough, and some have a choice of whether to pay their bills for energy or housing, or to eat.  Our community, the military community, wants to help our veterans, which will relieve the burden on community food shelves and pantries, freeing these resources to help others in need.  .  Taking care of our own is an ingrained habit of ours, but help is needed from all.  These veterans and families deserve our respect and an outreached hand, a little help to get over a rough time until they can get back on their feet.   That’s the point.


Read more: http://www.care2.com/causes/feeding-veterans.html#ixzz1RKHKiD9v

Tuesday, 5 July 2011

Big Society and beyond.

An  interesting interview  about Philip Blond by Alison Roberts in the Evening Standard
David Cameron's mood music

With cuts like these - it's as if the Government doesn't believe in its own policies

   
David Cameron's favourite 'Red Tory', Phillip Blond, tells Alison Roberts that Cabinet infighting and a failure to grasp the point of the Big Society is punishing the poor. Where did it all go wrong?
Phillip Blond, founder of the Right-wing think-tank ResPublica and driving intellectual force behind David Cameron's Big Society, lives in an apartment in King's Cross - the kind of aspirational loft-style bachelor pad that has bronze-burnished doors, an all mod-cons kitchen and ultra-trendy chairs. He says he's not "area dependent", meaning it doesn't matter where in London he lives, which strikes me as odd since his book Red Tory, in some senses the Big Society manual, constantly exhorts us to build better communities through neighbourliness and local social enterprise. The guru of Conservative-style localism, it turns out, doesn't actually have a locality to call his own.

He is due at No 10 in a couple of hours, he tells me. Sitting next to him throughout our interview is a "media adviser" from the PR company headed by Nick Wood, a former spokesman for Iain Duncan Smith and William Hague. Blond, 44, is clearly plugged into the machinery of the Tory party and is often described as a key member of the Prime Minister's inner circle; the provider of Cameron's "mood music". Though the Big Society was not his coinage ("I am one of the fathers, though not the sole father"), he "was there when [the idea] was formed" and has published in the first year of ResPublica's existence a string of reports which, he claims, have immediately found their way into government policy.
So does he think the Big Society is working yet?
"I am frustrated," he says carefully. "It's been communicated very badly partly because it hasn't been thought through radically enough. I think the great missing middle of the Big Society is the economics. The social aspect of it everybody agrees with. For me, it's not really about volunteering and philanthropy, it's about changing the agenda for those at the bottom of our society and in my view the Government hasn't really thought through, across all departments, the radical economic implications of that."
He hints, indeed, at a battle within government between ministers who buy the Big Society and those who don't. "If you've got a big idea, it's imperative that that idea is transmitted across all of your government and in order for that to happen there has to be a department that owns the Big Society. It has to be joined up … It's as though there are competing philosophies of what conservatism is, and that's fine, that's politics. But the sort of radical conservatism I like is coming up on the inside track rather than being the leading horse it should be."
Earlier this month ResPublica issued a report called Children and the Big Society, which contained implicit criticism of Coalition policy on children's services. Today Blond is more explicit. He thinks local authority cuts have been introduced too quickly. "It's almost as if the Government doesn't believe in its own policies. Libraries and children's centres are closing before the right to challenge [local council spending decisions] and the right to take over [public buildings] has come in. I'd have given it more time. I would not have front-loaded local authority cuts in order to allow these new models to come in." Both rights are included in the Localism Bill, which is currently winding its way through the House of Lords.
Blond repeatedly insists that he is a genuine champion of the poor - Red Toryism diagnoses working-class poverty as Britain's greatest ailment - yet acknowledges that many of the Coalition's public spending cuts are bound to have the greatest impact on those at the bottom.
Shouldn't government have ring-fenced local authority money for Sure Start, for example? "And it's not just Sure Start … It's clear that some councils are cutting voluntary services and others are expanding them, so it's a political decision. The recipients of those services should have a say."
How can it be right, as research has shown, that local authority cuts are falling most harshly on the most deprived areas in the land, including Hackney, Tower Hamlets and Newham? "Yes, that's tricky," he muses, with some understatement. "If you're going to cut in those areas, then I think it's incumbent on you to broker in the same areas genuinely different solutions with state backing. The most deprived areas in my view should have the most help, but the help they have shouldn't be like the help they've had in the past. I would go much further with the banks, for instance."
He calls George Osborne's plans to sell off Northern Rock to the highest private bidder "unimaginative and depressing". "I would like part of that sell-off to be reserved for an enterprise fund for disadvantaged areas. I argued for a kind of people's Dragons' Den so that people could bid for money to start social businesses and enterprises."
However, it's the abolition of the £30 a week education maintenance allowance, paid to underprivileged 16-year-olds to keep them at school or college, that triggers a full-blown rant which I interpret as serious dismay: "Look, I'm basically in favour of a state market-type approach to try to level the playing field for all our people. And what I find disturbing about the rhetoric of social mobility is that it suggests that everybody who's left behind is a loser and a failure. And given that we progress so few people from one group to the group above, it suggests that the population who defeated Hitler, who have been behind most of what's good in current history, is somehow something to be looked down upon. I love my culture. I love the people in this country and I want to create the conditions in which they prosper economically and socially, whereas what I see when I go around the country is a horror show. Particularly for those at he bottom, it's a terrifying horror show."

The controversy lies in Blond's cure for these deep social failings. While prioritising the family and marriage as central to the nation's health, Red Toryism prescribes the wholesale rolling back of state power and responsibility as a means of transferring assets to the working and middle classes. It advocates the handing over of budgets, buildings and services to community groups, to existing employees, or to private companies - proposals close to the Prime Minister's heart, which are likely to appear in the forthcoming public services reform White Paper, dubbed the Big Society Bill. Blond has "no philosophical problem" with public services - including schools and hospitals - being run on a for-profit basis (unlike Nick Clegg).
On this day of teachers' strikes, he insists that progressive education has failed miserably and that schools should be "re-intellectualised" by ensuring greater contact with universities, even introducing "philosophers" and PhD students into the school environment. Try that in Tottenham, I tell him. "No, but it can work. It really can," he cries. "One of the most consequent factors on how a school does, which I think the Government has subtly recognised, is the quality of teachers. We don't get enough people with first-class degrees going into teaching … We need a much better quality of teaching."
Blond has no children himself and is not married, though he'd like a family one day (an eight-year relationship that didn't work out is to blame, he says).
Barely three years ago, he was a teacher himself - an "obscure academic" lecturing in theology and philosophy at what's now the University of Cumbria. He grew up in Liverpool, "in a strong Catholic working-class culture", his father a painter and gallery-owner. His parents divorced when he was 16 and his father remarried, as a result of which, weirdly, Blond is the stepbrother of actor Daniel Craig and now has an in-law in Rachel Weisz (no, he didn't go to the wedding and, sadly, won't divulge any gossip: "Daniel and I have a mutual agreement not to talk about each other").
A series of newspaper articles won him fans in London - among them, the Prime Minister's chief strategist Steve Hilton - and so Blond came to London to flesh out his political philosophy in the comfort of Westminster's think-tank culture.
He is enjoying himself immensely: "These have been the most remarkable years of my life. Normally as an academic you strike a bargain with the world that you'll write solidly for 30 years and nobody will ever read any of it. To suddenly move from that, to this … it's exhilarating." He grins. "This will sound twee to you - but I want to come up with ideas that work for the country I love."